Battle of the Bogside
– | place =Derry, Northern Ireland | coordinates = | causes =(see background) | status = | goals = | result = | methods =large-scale rioting | side1 =Derry Citizens' Defence Association and residents of the Bogside | side2 =Royal Ulster Constabulary | side3 = | leadfigures1 = | leadfigures2 = | leadfigures3 = | howmany1 =uncertain | howmany2 =691 | howmany3 = | casualties1 =at least 1,000 injured | casualties2 =at least 350 injured | casualties3 = | casualties_label = | notes = }} The Battle of the Bogside was a very large communal riot that took place during 12–14 August 1969 in Derry, Northern Ireland. The fighting was between residents of the Bogside area (allied under the Derry Citizens' Defence Association) and the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). The rioting erupted as Irish nationalists threw stones and nails at the Apprentice Boys parade which was passing along the city walls, past an interface with the nationalist Bogside. Fierce rioting broke out between loyalists and nationalists and the police attempted to separate the two sides, concentrating on the nationalist Bogside. Rioting continued for three days in the Bogside. The police were unable to enter the area and the British Army was deployed to restore control. The riot, which sparked widespread violence elsewhere in Northern Ireland, is commonly seen as one of the first major confrontations in the conflict known as the Troubles. Background Tensions had been building in Derry for over a year before the Battle of the Bogside. In part, this was due to long-standing grievances held by much of the city's population. The city had a majority Catholic and nationalist population. In 1961, for example, the population was 53,744, of which 36,049 was Catholic and 17,695 Protestant. However after the partition of Ireland in 1921, it had been ruled by the Unionist-dominated government of Northern Ireland. Nationalist grievances Unionists maintained political control of Derry by two means. Firstly, electoral wards were designed so as to give unionists a majority in the city. The "Londonderry County Borough", which covered the city, had been won by nationalists in 1921. It was recovered by unionists, however, following re-drawing of electoral boundaries by the unionist government in the Northern Ireland parliament. As a result, although Catholics made up 60% of Derry's population in 1961,Hewitt, Christopher (1981), 'Catholic grievances, Catholic nationalism and violence in Northern Ireland during the civil rights period: a reconsideration', British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 32, No. 3, p366 due to the division of electoral wards, unionists had a majority of 12 seats to 8 on the city council. When there arose the possibility of nationalists gaining one of the Unionist wards, the boundaries were redrawn to maintain Unionist control.Buckland, Patrick (1979), The Factory of Grievances: Devolved Government in Northern Ireland, 1921-1939, p243-6, Dublin: Gill & Macmillan. Control of the city council gave unionists control over the allocation of public housing, which they allocated in such a way as to keep the Catholic population in a limited number of wards. This policy had the additional effect of creating a housing shortage for Catholics. Secondly, only owners or tenants of a dwelling and their spouses were allowed to vote in local elections. Nationalists argued that these practices were retained by unionists after their abolition in Great Britain in 1945 in order to reduce the anti-unionist vote.Reorganisation of local government in Northern Ireland, James H. Johnson, Area, Volume 2, 1970, 1970 The Royal Geographical Society Figures show that, in Derry city, nationalists comprised 61.6% of parliamentary electors, but only 54.7% of local government electors.Gallagher, Frank (1957), The Indivisible Island: the Story of the Partition of Ireland, p227-8, London: Gollancz. Catholics also alleged discrimination in employment. Another grievance, highlighted by the Cameron Commission into the riots of 1969, was the issue of perceived regional bias; where Northern Ireland government decisions alleged to favour the mainly Protestant east of Northern Ireland rather than the mainly Catholic west.Disturbances in Northern Ireland: Report of the Commission appointed by the Governor of Northern Ireland, paragraph 132, Belfast: HMSO, Cmd 532. Examples of such controversial decisions affecting Derry were the decision to close the anti-submarine training school in 1965, adding 600 to an unemployment figure already approaching 20%; the decision to site Northern Ireland's new town at Craigavon and the siting of Northern Ireland's second University in the mainly unionist town of Coleraine rather than Derry, which was four times larger.Darby, John (1976), Conflict in Northern Ireland: the Development of a Polarised Community, p67, Dublin: Gill & Macmillan Activism In March 1968, a small number of activists in the city founded the Derry Housing Action Committee, with the intention of forcing the government of Northern Ireland to change their housing policies. The group's founders were mostly local members of the Northern Ireland Labour Party, such as Eamonn McCann and members of the James Connolly Republican Club (the Northern manifestation of Sinn Féin, which was banned in Northern Ireland). The Housing Action Committee took direct action such as blocking roads and attending local council meetings uninvited in order to force them to house Catholic families who had been on council's housing waiting list for a long time. By the summer of 1968, this group had linked up with the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and were agitating for a broader programme of reform within Northern Ireland.Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town, p83-94 On 5 October 1968, these activists organised a march through the centre of Derry. However, the demonstration was banned. When the marchers, including Members of Parliament Eddie McAteer and Ivan Cooper, defied this ban they were batoned by the police. The actions of the police were televised and caused widespread anger in nationalist circles. The following day, 4,000 people demonstrated in solidarity with the marchers in Guildhall Square in the centre of Derry. This march passed off peacefully, as did another demonstration attended by up to 15,000 people on 16 November. However, these incidents proved to be the start of an escalating pattern of civil unrest, that culminated in the events of August 1969.Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town, p97-105 in the Bogside; the slogan "You are now entering Free Derry" was first painted in January 1969 by John Casey]] January to July, 1969 In January 1969, a march by the radical nationalist group People's Democracy from Belfast to Derry was attacked by loyalists at Burntollet, five miles outside Derry. It is alleged that the police failed to protect the march. When the marchers (many of whom were injured) arrived in Derry on 5 January, rioting broke out between their supporters and the police. That night, police officers broke into homes in the Catholic Bogside area and assaulted several residents. An inquiry led by Lord Cameron concluded that, "a number of policemen were guilty of misconduct, which involved assault and battery, malicious damage to property...and the use of provocative sectarian and political slogans".Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town, page 108 After this point, barricades were set up in the Bogside and vigilante patrols organised to keep the police out. It was at this point that the famous mural with the slogan "You are now entering Free Derry" was painted on the corner of Columbs Street by a local activist named John Casey. On 19 April there were clashes between NICRA marchers, loyalists and the police in the Bogside area. Police officers entered the house of Samuel Devenny (42), a local Catholic who was not involved in the riot, and severely beat him with batons. His teenage daughters were also beaten in the attack. Devenny died of his injuries on 17 July and he is sometimes referred to as the first victim of The Troubles. Others consider John Patrick Scullion, who was killed 11 June 1966 by the UVF, to have been the first victim of the conflict.Loyalists, pp. 41-44. On 12 July ("The Twelfth") there was further rioting in Derry, nearby Dungiven, and Belfast. The violence arose out of the yearly Orange Order marches. During the clashes in Dungiven, Catholic civilian Francis McCloskey (67) was beaten with batons by police officers and died of his injuries the following day. Following these riots, Irish republicans in Derry set up the Derry Citizens Defence Association, with the intention of preparing for future disturbances. The members of the DCDA were initially Republican Club (and possibly IRA) activists, but they were joined by many other left-wing activists and local people. This group stated their aim as firstly to keep the peace, but if this failed, to organise the defence of the Bogside. To this end, they stockpiled materials for barricades and missiles, ahead of the Apprentice Boys of Derry march on 12 August. The Apprentice Boys march The annual Apprentice Boys parade on 12 August commemorated the Protestant victory in the Siege of Derry in 1689 and was considered highly provocative by many Catholics. Derry activist Eamonn McCann wrote that the march, "was regarded as a calculated insult to the Derry Catholics".McCann, War and an Irish Town p114 Although the march did not pass through the Bogside, it passed close to it at the junction of Waterloo Place and William Street. It was here that trouble broke out. Initially, some loyalists had thrown pennies from the top of the walls at Catholics in the Bogside below, in return marbles where fired by catapult. As the parade passed the parameter of the Bogside, Catholics hurled stones and nails resulting in an intense confrontation. The police, who had suffered a barrage of missiles, then moved in to separate the rioters. Whilst the police fought with the rioters at William Street, some officers tried to alleviate the pressure they were under by dismantling the Rossville Street barricade. The result of this was the creating of a gap which Protestants headed towards with the Catholic residents convinced their homes where going to be attacked. The police where unable to get into the Bogside to split the two groups. Nationalists lobbed petrol bombs from the top of the Rossville Flats, halting the police advance, with 43 of the 59 officers who made the initial incursion injured.Mallie, Bishop p99 As this happened the people of Derry, numbering in their hundreds, continued to fight each other, with an endless tirade of petrol bombs and stones thrown between loyalists and nationalists. The Battle The actions of the Bogside residents were co-ordinated to some extent. The Derry Citizens Defence Association set up a headquarters in the house of Paddy Doherty in Westland Street and tried to supervise the making of petrol bombs and the positioning of barricades. They also set up "Radio Free Derry." Many local people, however, joined in the rioting on their own initiative and impromptu leaders also emerged, such as Bernadette Devlin, Eamonn McCann and others. Local youths climbed onto the roof of the High Flats on Rossville Street, from where they bombarded the police below with missiles. When the advantage that this position possessed was realised, the youths were kept supplied with stones and petrol bombs. The police were in many respects badly prepared for the riot. Their riot shields were too small and did not protect their whole bodies. In addition, their uniforms were not flame resistant and a number were badly burned by petrol bombs. They possessed armoured cars and guns, but were not permitted to use them. Moreover, there was no system in place to relieve officers, with the result that the same policemen had to serve in the rioting for three days without rest. The police responded to this situation by flooding the area with CS gas, which caused a range of respiratory injuries among the local people. A total of 1,091 canisters containing 12.5g of CS; and 14 canisters containing 50g of CS, were released in the densely populated residential area. (extracts available online) After two days of almost continuous rioting, during which police were drafted in from all over Northern Ireland, the police were exhausted, and were snatching sleep in doorways whenever the opportunity allowed. On 13 August, Jack Lynch, Taoiseach of the Republic of Ireland made a televised speech about the events in Derry, in which he said that he "could not stand by and watch innocent people injured and perhaps worse." He promised to send the Irish Army to the border and to set up field hospitals for those injured in the fighting. Lynch's words were widely interpreted in the Bogside as promising that Irish troops were about to be sent to their aid. Unionists were appalled at this prospect, which they saw as a threatened invasion of Northern Ireland. In fact, although the Irish Army was indeed sent to the border, they restricted their activities to providing medical care for the injured. By 14 August, the rioting in the Bogside had reached a critical point. Almost the entire community there had been mobilised by this point, many galvanised by false rumours that St Eugene's Cathedral had been attacked by the police. The police were also beginning to use firearms. Two rioters were shot and injured in Great James' Street. The B-Specials, a reserve quasi-military, mostly Protestant police force with no training in crowd control, much feared by Catholics for their alleged role in killings in the 1920s, were called up and sent to Derry, provoking fears of a massacre on the part of the Bogsiders. On the afternoon of the 14th, the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, James Chichester-Clark, took the unprecedented step of requesting the British Prime Minister Harold Wilson for troops to be sent to Derry. Soon afterwards a company of the 1st Battalion, Prince of Wales's Own Regiment of Yorkshire (who had been on standby at HMS Sea Eagle) relieved the police, with orders to separate the police and the Bogsiders, but not to attempt to breach the barricades and enter the Bogside itself. This marked the first direct intervention of the London government in Ireland since partition. The British troops were at first welcomed by the Bogside residents as a neutral force compared to the police and especially the B-Specials. Only a handful of radicals in Bogside, notably Bernadette Devlin, opposed the deployment of British troops. This good relationship did not last long however, as the Troubles escalated. Over 1000 people had been injured in the rioting in Derry, but no one was killed. A total of 691 police men were deployed in Derry during the riot, of whom only 255 were still in action at 12.30 on the 15th. Manpower then fluctuated for the rest of the afternoon: the numbers recorded are 318, 304, 374, 333, 285 and finally 327 at 5.30 pm While some of the fluctuation in numbers can be put down to exhaustion rather than injury, these figures indicate that the police suffered at least 350 serious injuries. How many Bogsiders were injured is unclear, as many injuries were never reported. Rioting elsewhere A call by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association for people to stretch police resources to aid the Bogsiders led to rioting in Belfast and elsewhere, which left five Catholics and two Protestants dead. That same night (the 14th) a loyalist mob burned all of the Catholic homes on Bombay Street. Over 1,500 Catholics were expelled from their homes in Belfast. Taken together with events in Derry, this period of rioting is widely seen as the point in which The Troubles escalated from a situation of civil unrest to one of a three-way armed conflict between nationalists, state forces and unionists. Documentary The documentary Battle of the Bogside, produced and directed by Vinny Cunningham and written by John Peto, won "Best Documentary" at the Irish Film and Television Awards in October 2004. See also *Exercise Armageddon * 1992 Coalisland riots * Drumcree conflict * 1997 nationalist riots in Northern Ireland References }} External links * * Boy with Petrol Bomb and Gas Mask (mural) Google street view * Images from the booklet "Battle of Bogside" published in (1969). * Wilson considered direct rule option as violence raged in North The Irish Times. 3 January 2000 * CAIN project chronology of events. * * [http://www.irishhistorydvd.org/battleofthebogsidemedia.html Battle of the Bogside Documentary (2004)] * Extracts from "War and an Irish Town" by Eamonn McCann Category:1969 in Northern Ireland Category:The Troubles in Derry Category:Riots and civil disorder in Northern Ireland Category:Royal Ulster Constabulary Category:Police misconduct in Northern Ireland Category:Urban warfare Category:1969 riots Category:Conflicts in 1969 Category:Battles and conflicts without fatalities Category:Military actions and engagements during the Troubles (Northern Ireland)